“student Loan Repayment And Family Dynamics” – For brand new loans in 2022, only 4.5% of private loans had balances in excess of borrowings.

Line graphs showing how student loan balances in excess of the original loan amount increased over time due to interest until the 2020 pandemic repayment pause stagnated.

“student Loan Repayment And Family Dynamics”

Here’s a picture of America’s student debt over time, focusing on loans with balances higher than the original amount borrowed due to accruing interest.

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Under normal circumstances, borrowers begin paying off their loans slowly after graduating from college. So the older the loan, the less likely it is to have a balance that exceeds the loaned amount.

But that system fell apart. 2013 was the first year that one loan cohort had more than half of their student loans with a larger balance than they originally borrowed.

Recognizing the rise in the number of struggling borrowers, the government expanded the income-driven repayment program in 2015. Borrowers do not have to make full payments under this plan. But their unpaid interest accumulates faster.

The line is high and flat in 2019, showing that most student borrowers have not been able to keep up with interest.

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The 2020 student loan payoff has shaken this unhealthy dynamic. Since then, the youngest loans have never accrued unpaid interest, and the overall share of loans with balances higher than the amount borrowed has begun to decline.

In 2022, recent borrowers still benefited from the pause. When the hiatus ends in September, balances are expected to trend back towards the 2019 plateau.

Laura Beamer is a senior researcher in higher education finance at the Jain Family Institute. Marshall Steinbaum is the institute’s senior research fellow and assistant professor of economics at the University of Utah.

In the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, the federal government stopped requiring regular payments on student loan debt — a pause that lasted more than three years. But student loan repayments had been declining for at least a decade before the hiatus.

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You can think of the stock of outstanding student debt as an overflowing bathtub: More students buying more college and advanced degrees at rising tuition prices is the water gushing out of the faucet, and the defaults are clogging the drain. The drain is blocked because, despite what economists, politicians, and education administrators say, a college degree doesn’t always “pay.”

In recent years, many Americans with student loans weren’t making enough money to even pay the accrued interest on their debt, let alone make progress on the principal. Wage stagnation is a long-term phenomenon that worsened after the Great Recession. But an important other source of student loan misery is the expanding and diversified nature of American borrowers. Increasingly, people who have always had low earnings regardless of educational attainment are also saddled with student debt—think of underpaid teachers who earned expensive master’s degrees for only a modest pay raise. The promise of a college education leading directly to high incomes is empty.

Regardless of what happens after the planned resumption of payments in September and the Biden administration’s plans to partially forgive student debt after the Supreme Court’s decision in June, we predict that most outstanding balances — not to mention the roughly $100 billion in new loans issued each year — will never be repaid. Meanwhile, as the administration and courts wrangle over the executive branch’s ability to waive student debt under existing law, students feel forced to curtail their life plans. They delay or reject marriage and family formation, home ownership, retirement and the education of their children: a profound failure of social reproduction.

Our student debt research uses credit reports from both an annual representative cross-section of student borrowers and the only group of borrowers we’ve tracked since 2009. We found that, counterintuitively, the payoff break was the best thing that ever happened. help pay off student loans. That’s because under normal circumstances, student debt balances tend to add up, thanks to monthly interest payments that many borrowers can’t keep up with. In 2020, 60.7 percent of outstanding student loans had a higher balance than when they were first issued. By 2022, that number had dropped to 53.7 percent as interest was waived during the pandemic and some borrowers continued to make principal payments.

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The chart below compares loan repayment progress in our 2020 cross-section with developments in 2022. The group with increasing balances has shrunk enormously during the repayment hiatus. Notably, black and Latino borrowers had more loans with growing balances before the break; they benefit disproportionately while it remains in force.

Loans that previously had rising balances instead remained stable while some borrowers continued to repay their debt.

Student borrowers are not a monolithic group, and some demographics fare much better with their education debt than others. From the group of 2009-era borrowers we tracked, we learned that female, black, and Latino borrowers generally saw their loan balances continue to grow above 2009 levels; male, white, and Asian borrowers were generally able to make progress in paying down their balances (though not to zero—and the standard repayment period for federal loans is 10 years).

On average, male, white, and Asian borrowers made progress on their loans between 2009 and 2022. Female, black, and Latino borrowers had increasing balances until they hit a pause in repayment.

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These different trajectories are due to structural inequalities in the labor market, which disadvantaged workers try to overcome by increasing their educational attainment. More advantaged workers don’t need to borrow as much to earn a decent wage, and they can start paying off the debt they take on more quickly. The pandemic pause in repayment has changed the game, causing balances that had been increasing over the previous decade to begin to decline. A student loan system in which borrowers typically don’t pay off their student loans during normal times, but pay them off when they’re not required to, can’t be said to be working well.

This situation is the result of a tacit agreement between state legislatures, college administrators, and the federal government dating back to the 1970s: to fund public colleges and universities and convert them to a tuition-based revenue model, with the federal government underwriting the system’s students. debt so more students can continue to get a more expensive education. This change was justified by the idea that higher education would “pay off” in the labor market.

Opportunities for middle-class jobs without college have definitely shrunk. But increasing the education required for a given job or salary does not magically increase the salary. It just means that the higher education system takes a larger portion of a worker’s lifetime earnings on the front end. And if the debt can’t be repaid, taxpayers swallow the loss on the back end—but only after the borrower has endured years of rising balances and their negative consequences for wealth accumulation and creditworthiness.

This odd structure — in which federal funding comes in the form of student loans that will never be repaid, as opposed to directly funding colleges and universities — allows school administrators to escape the regulatory hook. In theory, the market of students choosing their preferred college experience is expected to discipline the financial behavior of schools. In reality, this is not the case. That’s why college administrators resist free college proposals that represent direct federal funding in exchange for tuition caps: They fear their socioeconomically segregated business models wouldn’t survive the regulatory scrutiny associated with those dollars.

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The $1.7 trillion tower of mostly unpayable student debt is a symbol of education policy failure. Unfortunately, politicians in both parties seem unable to think outside the neoliberal box that got us here. Republicans in Congress have proposed limits on federal loans that bar students from entering the system once their balances reach a certain threshold. That’s an exclusionary vision that seeks to return higher education to pre-G.I. Bill status as a bastion of white privilege for a small elite.

The Biden administration proposes to regulate (some) colleges based on whether their students can eventually repay their student loans, and to force all programs to disclose graduate earnings and debt loads before students enroll. These proposals adhere to the idea that the labor market is where the value of education is ultimately determined. Colleges can argue persuasively that they do not control the lives of their students after graduation and would be penalized for enrolling students who need it.

To manage the student debt crisis, the government will ultimately have to overhaul its relationship with American higher education. The current era of tuition-based revenue models has colleges competing for students who can pay full transportation, which can relegate the neediest students to institutions with the fewest resources. A healthier system would look more homogenous, with students from across the income spectrum spread across institutions across the country, rather than an elite scramble between students and schools to fill the few vacancies at the top.

To get there, the Department of Education should condition federal student loan eligibility at the institution level on a uniform, very low cost of attendance.

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John Cellin

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